DICKEY: Iraq. Americans want to know whether Europe is with them or against them. PRODI: Let’s not start with Iraq. Let’s talk about why Americans are not much interested in Europe. Look at how European countries are being transformed by enlargement. This is what the Americans wanted only a few years ago, and now they seem indifferent. Why?
The Iraq crisis strikes Americans as a lot more urgent. Iraq is not everything. Europe is with the United States, even if the majority of public opinion is against the war in Iraq. I opposed the war because I was afraid, correctly, that it would worsen the international situation and endanger security. But at the same time, we worked hard to take common actions against terrorism.
But Iraq is a watershed. No, it’s not. It’s a case in which we think differently. We have another 99 issues on which we work together. For instance, we’ve never been so close on the Doha agenda for world trade. And this is vital.
For all that, how would you assess the damage from the past two years? The divide between Western countries and the Islamic world is my greatest fear. For years I’ve worked to develop policies that bring them together. But this war is making everything so difficult. Especially after the episode of the tortures. Ah!
So, what can Europe do? Our job is to push for the United Nations to take action very quickly. The idea would be to get moderate Arab nations involved–to give a clear message that there is a change. Beyond that, the only alternative to American policy has to be offered by America.
You’re waiting for the November elections? No, action must be taken before that.
Why is Europe having such a hard time working with the Bush administration? Because we have been left out of decision making.
You sound pretty bleak. You cannot perceive how deep–how truly deep–the Iraqi problem is in the eyes of the Muslim world. And it’s becoming deeper because of the torture.
OK. France and Germany have moved to assert their authority in the Union once again. Are they in the EU driver’s seat? It’s one thing to be the motor, another thing to make the decisions. With enlargement, two countries are not sufficient even to be the engine. Too many issues need to be decided by unanimity. And you will need a lot of time, maybe one generation or more, for [the EU] to be able to take a decision in a situation like Iraq.
What do you make of calls for a referendum on the new Constitution in Britain and some other countries? The solution could be a European referendum, the same day in all European countries. Imagine a referendum for half a billion people! A “yes” vote would push Europe forward at a very high speed.
Do you have any doubt that Bulgaria and Romania will get into the EU? No. Up to now they are on track. And we see Croatia is starting the race.
What about Cyprus? We have to let the dust settle, all the debris. Sometimes the democratic process betrays you, deceives you, but you have to accept democracy.
And Turkey? Will it get a start date to begin the process of joining? The decision will be taken in September, but I really cannot say.
With all these tensions, can Europe continue building an ever-closer union? In Europe you are always on the brink–but you don’t fall down. Think of Italy in the 15th century, when the Italian city-states were leading in everything–science, commerce, the military. But they didn’t stick together and disappeared, for centuries, from the world scene. Europeans are aware of this danger when they look at the United States, at India, at China.
A unified Europe in which English, as it turns out, is the universal language? It will be broken English, but it will be English.
